| |
Catholic elite. "The introduction of
free education at all levels in Northern Ireland under the Education
Act (1947) was a significant factor"46 in the development
of a Catholic intelligentsia. Furthermore, "university
education became available on academic merit rather than according
to economic circumstances."47 These university-educated
Catholics later became the leaders of the civil rights movement of
1960 to 1980, resulting in the full realization of Catholic economic
and political deprivation. During this time, Catholics made
an attempt to address their demands for political reform.
Surprisingly, "when the Civil Rights movement emerged in the 1960s, the
slogan 'one man, one vote,' brought widespread support from Protestants for
the reform programme."48 The emerging Protestant and
Catholic coalition was significant because: 1) Protestants and Catholics were
working together; 2) it marked the first real dissension within the Unionist
partya deviation from solidarity; 3) cooperation became possible because Catholics
were not seen as wanting unification, but were seen as wanting representation
within the North, and; 4) Protestant electoral control had marginalized poor
Protestant voters in favor of Protestant business owners who received plural
votes. Hence, the poor Protestants also wanted equal electoral representation
because they too were marginalized.
Consequently, the Protestant majority saw this as a threat, and problems ensued
when "the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, set up in February
1967, began to press for social and electoral reforms in the province, including
the abolition of the B Specials and the Special Powers Act."49 As
mentioned earlier, these two items had stripped the Catholics in the North
of much of their civil liberties, resulting in a government-run state, lacking
in democratic checks and balances.
Northern Ireland's Prime Minister Terence O'Neill responded to the combined
demands of marginalized Catholics and Protestants with the introduction of
economic reforms through the Stormont Parliament in Northern Ireland. His
political reforms, however, were opposed within the Unionist Party. A
counter-force soon emerged under the leadership of Protestant fundamentalist
leader, Ian Paisley, who mobilized fearful Protestants in the late 1960s with
claims that moderate prime minister "Terence O'Neill was selling Protestants
down the river into a united Ireland with his reform program and overtures
to the Republic."50
Unfortunately, O'Neill met opposition both from Catholics and from within his
own party. "Catholics viewed O'Neill as offering too little too late;
Protestants regarded him as a traitor who was prepared to risk the
|
|
security of the state."51 The
Campaign for Social Justice and the Northern Ireland Civil Rights
Association (NICRA) were formed in 1967 and were composed of both
Protestants and Catholics who aimed at ending the social and political
discrimination against Catholics. Their efforts were frustrated,
however, because the illiberal sections of Unionism perceived civil
rights as yet another threat from nationalists because their demands
for equality were made by, and on the behalf of Catholics. Furthermore,
illiberal Protestants, or Paisleyites, prevented the NICRA from holding
peaceful demonstrations because they threatened the government with
holding counter-demonstrations on the same day. The demonstrations
would have definitely led to public disturbances and/or riots. Regardless,
NICRA decided to proceed and, with the help of students, ignored
the bans, and violence thus ensued.
The
British army was brought in to prevent civil war and to keep the
two communities apart which meant effectively to curb Protestant
violence against Catholics. But the army was not a police force, and northern
Ireland was not just another colonial posting where the rebellious native could easily be
recognized. This led to mistakes and mishandling of the population
by the army.52
Violence
in the late 1960s brought an awareness of the challenge that the
radical student community presented to the Protestant
leadership and highlighted a Northern Ireland deprived of democracy and
in desperate need of civil rights. In response to the civil
disturbances, the United Kingdom government stepped in to suspend
the Stormont Parliament in 1972, even though the
government enjoyed a high level of confidence amongst the minority (Catholic)
community.
Up until the disturbances, new forms of participation and structure
were emerging, albeit at a relative slow pace. "[T]he state
was on the defensive, the people were in the ascendant, and the dream
of people's
power was close to realization."53 Northern Ireland has been governed by a Direct Rule administration from London
since 1972, "through British Ministers appointed by the U.K. Prime
Minister."54 However, in recent times, the Blair government has been discussing moves in the
direction of a devolved parliament in Northern Ireland. This would effectively place
the power to rule directly in the hands of the people. How and
when have yet to be determined, but as this section has made clear, a
successful government in the North must
have the official checks and balances of the Westminster model and be
robust enough to ensure minority rights.

|
|