Conclusion

Given that political representation, and not religion, drives the conflict in Northern Ireland, it will be necessary to open up the political process in order for Blair's devolved Parliament to be successful.  This will provide a conducive environment in which the two large voting blocks will be able to break-up into their factional parties, and they in turn will have to work with each other in order to gain enough power to form a coalition government.   To ensure that this will occur, the voting system should be based on Germany's system of proportional representation in which those parties receiving five percent or more of the vote are allowed representation in public office.  With these prerequisites firmly established, coalition governments would have to represent a wider cross-section of society and thus limit the dominance of one group as maintained by the Orange Order and Ulster Unionist Party.  Additionally, voting solidarity could not be maintained through previous channels of political patronage, and liberal Protestants could pursue their own agenda of political equality. Furthermore, London can create regulatory commissions during the devolution time to ensure the ease of the transition.

Works Cited

1B. Mawhinney and R. Wells, Conflict and Christianity in Northern Ireland (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1975).
2M. Hughes, The Past in Perspective, Ireland Divided: The Roots of the Modern Irish Problem (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1994) 2.
3T. W. Moody and F. X. Martin, eds. The Course of Irish History (Boulder, Colorado: Roberts Rinehart Publishers, 1995) 190.
4Moody and Martin 218.
5Moody and Martin 218-219.
6J. J. Lee, Ireland: 1912-1985 Politics and Society (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 19.
7B. Gough, S. Robinson, J. Kremer, and R. Mitchell, "The Social Psychology of Intergroup Conflict: An Appraisal of Northern Ireland Research." Canadian Psycho-Psychologic Canadienne 33.3 (19--): 645-651.
8Gough et al. 646.
9Gough et al. 647.
10Gough et al. 647.
11Hughes xiii.
12Q. Oliver, "Community Development in Are as of Political and Social Conflict: The Case of Northern Ireland." Community Development Journal 25.4 (1990): 370-376.
13Oliver 370.
14Hughes 2.

 

15D. G. Pringle, One Island, Two Nations? A Political Geographical Analysis of the National Conflict in Ireland (New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc., 1985) 258.
16Pringle 258.
17B. O'Leary and J. McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland (London, England: The Athlone Press, 1993) 111.
18O'Leary and McGarry 110.
19J. Magee, Northern Ireland: Crisis and Conflict (London and Boston: Routledge Kegan Paul Ltd., 1974) 94.
20E. Crighton and M. Mac Iver, "The Evolution of Protracted Ethnic Conflict: Group Dominance and Political Underdevelopment in Northern Ireland and Lebanon." Comparative Politics 23.2 (1991): 127-142.
21B. Probert, Beyond Orange and Green: The Political Economy of the Northern Ireland Crisis (London, England: Zed Press Ltd., 1978) 63.
22Probert 61.
23Probert 61.
24Magee 95.
25O'Leary and McGarry 129.
26O'Leary and McGarry 127.
27O'Leary and McGarry 128.
28O'Leary and McGarry 114.
29Crighton and Mac Iver 127-142.
30Hughes 85.
31Crighton and Mac Iver 127-142.
32O'Leary and McGarry 111.
33O'Leary and McGarry 112.
34O'Leary and McGarry 112. Sir John Leech was placed in charge of a one-person judicial commission that readjusted electoral boundaries.
35O'Leary and McGarry 112.
36O'Leary and McGarry 114.
37O'Leary and McGarry 114.
38Probert 62.
39Probert 62.
40Probert 62.
41Magee 93.
42Magee 94.
43Probert 75.
44Probert 75.
45Hughes 82.
46Pringle 248.
47Pringle 248.
48Probert 60.
49Hughes 82.
50Crighton and Mac Iver 127-142.
51Pringle 252.
52S. Wichert, "The Role of Nationalism in the Northern Ireland Conflict." History of European Ideas 16:1-3 (1993): 109-114.
53Oliver 370-376.

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