that political representation, and not religion, drives the conflict
in Northern Ireland, it will be necessary to open up the
political process in order for Blair's devolved Parliament to be successful. This
will provide a conducive environment in which the two large voting blocks will be able to
break-up into their factional parties, and they in turn will have to work with each other
in order to gain enough power to form a coalition government. To ensure that this
will occur, the voting system should be based on Germany's system of proportional
representation in which those parties receiving five percent or more of the vote are
allowed representation in public office. With these prerequisites firmly
established, coalition governments would have to represent a wider cross-section of
society and thus limit the dominance of one group as maintained by the Orange Order and
Ulster Unionist Party. Additionally, voting solidarity could not
be maintained through previous channels of political patronage, and liberal
Protestants could pursue
their own agenda of political equality. Furthermore, London can create
regulatory commissions during the devolution time to ensure the ease
of the transition.
1B. Mawhinney and R. Wells, Conflict
and Christianity in Northern Ireland (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Pub.
2M. Hughes, The Past in Perspective, Ireland Divided: The Roots of the
Modern Irish Problem (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1994) 2.
3T. W. Moody and F. X. Martin, eds. The Course of Irish History
(Boulder, Colorado: Roberts Rinehart Publishers, 1995) 190.
4Moody and Martin 218.
5Moody and Martin 218-219.
6J. J. Lee, Ireland: 1912-1985 Politics and
Society (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 19.
7B. Gough, S. Robinson, J. Kremer, and R. Mitchell, "The
Social Psychology of Intergroup Conflict: An Appraisal of Northern Ireland
Research." Canadian Psycho-Psychologic Canadienne 33.3 (19--): 645-651.
8Gough et al. 646.
9Gough et al. 647.
10Gough et al. 647.
12Q. Oliver, "Community Development in
Are as of Political and Social Conflict: The Case of Northern Ireland." Community
Development Journal 25.4 (1990): 370-376.
15D. G. Pringle, One Island, Two Nations? A Political
Geographical Analysis of the National Conflict in Ireland (New
York: John Wiley & Sons Inc., 1985) 258.
17B. O'Leary and J. McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism:
Understanding Northern Ireland (London, England: The Athlone
Press, 1993) 111.
18O'Leary and McGarry 110.
19J. Magee, Northern Ireland: Crisis and Conflict (London
and Boston: Routledge Kegan Paul Ltd., 1974) 94.
20E. Crighton and M. Mac Iver, "The Evolution of
Protracted Ethnic Conflict: Group Dominance and Political Underdevelopment
in Northern Ireland and Lebanon." Comparative Politics 23.2
21B. Probert, Beyond Orange and Green: The Political
Economy of the Northern Ireland Crisis (London, England: Zed
Press Ltd., 1978) 63.
25O'Leary and McGarry 129.
26O'Leary and McGarry 127.
27O'Leary and McGarry 128.
28O'Leary and McGarry 114.
29Crighton and Mac Iver 127-142.
31Crighton and Mac Iver 127-142.
32O'Leary and McGarry 111.
33O'Leary and McGarry 112.
34O'Leary and McGarry 112. Sir John Leech was placed
in charge of a one-person judicial commission that readjusted electoral
35O'Leary and McGarry 112.
36O'Leary and McGarry 114.
37O'Leary and McGarry 114.
50Crighton and Mac Iver 127-142.
52S. Wichert, "The Role of Nationalism in the Northern
Ireland Conflict." History of European Ideas 16:1-3